The inability to address the energy crisis, law and order situation, lack of efforts towards party organisation, absence of real ‘jayala’ and loyal leadership on the forefront and somehow conversion of masses’ party, having roots in the communities, towards party of drawing room must be the factors behind the PPP’s failure in the election.
However, there might be some other reasons as well which must have contributed towards its loss to such an extent.
It was quite obvious that the PPP is going to lose the election but it is surprising to see PPP even losing almost all of the Punjab, including the seat of Qamar Zaman Kaira who has remained so devoted towards his constituents throughout his tenure in office without even facing a single charge of corruption; the seat of former prime minister Raja Pervaiz Ashraf who used massive funds in his constituency for the well-being of the people of the area; and many seats in south Punjab, the region which should have been PPP’s stronghold due to its massive campaigning for Saraiki province.
However, it was not as bad performance as the perception was built through the media. There was something good on previous government’s part as well. The 17th, 18th and 19th amendments, which directly or indirectly impacts masses; the 7th NFC Award, which addresses small provinces’ grievances so effectively; FATA reforms, which brought the people of FATA in mainstream politics and helped in ending the practice of collective responsibility and collective punishment for children, women and people over the age of 65; Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP) through which the enrolled 5.5 million families have not only been paid cash assistance of Rs 1,000 per month on a quarterly basis, but also benefits have been provided under the graduation strategy, like the long-term, interest-free, returnable financial assistance; vocational and technical training; and health and life insurance coverage.
The agricultural policies of the former government had enabled farmers to earn an additional income of approximately Rs 900 billion during the last two years alone. Pakistan became a wheat-exporting country from a wheat-importing country. The sector had undergone a healthy revolution that changed the lives of even those ordinary farmers who owned less than five acres of land.
Each of the above-mentioned steps was somehow a revolutionary measure if studied in detail. But none of these steps were eulogised in the private media, as they should have been.
It can be admitted that bad governance, energy crisis and law and order issues must be the factors that overshadowed these achievements and resulted in the outcomes of these elections. But what about the governance of the PML-N in Punjab? Was it good enough to enable PML-N to gain this much in the election? The answer must be in a big no.
The law and order situation in Punjab deteriorated. An overall increase in crimes was witnessed by 12 percent, with crimes against property increasing by 37 percent, robbery by 109 percent, murder by 15 percent and rape by 22 percent.
Crimes against minorities in Shantinagar, Gojra and Badami Bagh depict horrible track record of the party in protecting the lives and rights of non-Muslims. Article 157 of the constitution gave explicit authority to the provinces to undertake energy projects, but nothing had been done in this regard.
Given this track record, why in the election the PPP failed so badly and the PML-N gained so massively? How PML-N, all of sudden, started leading the national and international surveys, which the PTI was leading? Was there a shift in the establishment’s priority from the PTI to the PML-N? Was the media intentionally creating conducive environment for the PML-N? Why the ECP failed in the conduct of free and fair election, particularly in Punjab and Karachi? Was it the former government’s shift in the foreign policy that resulted in these outcomes? Does the US need a leader in Pakistan who can protect its interests in the region? These are the questions that need to be addressed.
However, there might be some other reasons as well which must have contributed towards its loss to such an extent.
It was quite obvious that the PPP is going to lose the election but it is surprising to see PPP even losing almost all of the Punjab, including the seat of Qamar Zaman Kaira who has remained so devoted towards his constituents throughout his tenure in office without even facing a single charge of corruption; the seat of former prime minister Raja Pervaiz Ashraf who used massive funds in his constituency for the well-being of the people of the area; and many seats in south Punjab, the region which should have been PPP’s stronghold due to its massive campaigning for Saraiki province.
However, it was not as bad performance as the perception was built through the media. There was something good on previous government’s part as well. The 17th, 18th and 19th amendments, which directly or indirectly impacts masses; the 7th NFC Award, which addresses small provinces’ grievances so effectively; FATA reforms, which brought the people of FATA in mainstream politics and helped in ending the practice of collective responsibility and collective punishment for children, women and people over the age of 65; Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP) through which the enrolled 5.5 million families have not only been paid cash assistance of Rs 1,000 per month on a quarterly basis, but also benefits have been provided under the graduation strategy, like the long-term, interest-free, returnable financial assistance; vocational and technical training; and health and life insurance coverage.
The agricultural policies of the former government had enabled farmers to earn an additional income of approximately Rs 900 billion during the last two years alone. Pakistan became a wheat-exporting country from a wheat-importing country. The sector had undergone a healthy revolution that changed the lives of even those ordinary farmers who owned less than five acres of land.
Each of the above-mentioned steps was somehow a revolutionary measure if studied in detail. But none of these steps were eulogised in the private media, as they should have been.
It can be admitted that bad governance, energy crisis and law and order issues must be the factors that overshadowed these achievements and resulted in the outcomes of these elections. But what about the governance of the PML-N in Punjab? Was it good enough to enable PML-N to gain this much in the election? The answer must be in a big no.
The law and order situation in Punjab deteriorated. An overall increase in crimes was witnessed by 12 percent, with crimes against property increasing by 37 percent, robbery by 109 percent, murder by 15 percent and rape by 22 percent.
Crimes against minorities in Shantinagar, Gojra and Badami Bagh depict horrible track record of the party in protecting the lives and rights of non-Muslims. Article 157 of the constitution gave explicit authority to the provinces to undertake energy projects, but nothing had been done in this regard.
Given this track record, why in the election the PPP failed so badly and the PML-N gained so massively? How PML-N, all of sudden, started leading the national and international surveys, which the PTI was leading? Was there a shift in the establishment’s priority from the PTI to the PML-N? Was the media intentionally creating conducive environment for the PML-N? Why the ECP failed in the conduct of free and fair election, particularly in Punjab and Karachi? Was it the former government’s shift in the foreign policy that resulted in these outcomes? Does the US need a leader in Pakistan who can protect its interests in the region? These are the questions that need to be addressed.
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